Review of "Passing As Black: Racial Identity Work Among Biracial Americans."
by Lorene Russell
Racial identity cannot be easily determined especially when there isn’t a clear and concise definition of race. “The color line” is a division between black and white, but it isn’t nearly as precise as black and white. Nikki Khanna and Cathryn Johnson examine how biracial Americans identify themselves to others in their article, “Passing as Black: Racial Identity Work among Biracial Americans.”
By exploring interview data of black-white biracial adults, Khanna and Johnson examine the strategies used, the effectiveness, and the reasons supporting how adults hide, shield, and/or accent their racial ancestry during the Jim Crow era and now. Khanna and Johnson quote stories given by their interviewers with regard to the reasons for passing as black.
Khanna and Johnson explain that until recently, there were little to no racial options for individuals with any black ancestry. The one-drop rule segregated multiracial people as monoracial blacks. Passing as white gave biracial individuals the ability to avoid the racially restrictive one-drop rule during the Jim Crow era. The general definition of racial passing is, “a person of one race identifies and present himself or herself as another (usually white)” (380).
During the Jim Crow era, blacks had very few rights and privileges, which made passing an excellent option, when possible. The question now is if it is necessary, with the increased opportunities available to blacks, to continue passing and if so, why. In identifying strategies for passing the color-line, Khanna and Johnson look at additional ways for dealing with identity.
First, they examine racial passing during the Jim Crow era. It is difficult to estimate the number of people who passed for white, but had black ancestry. For some, passing was continuous, for others it was discontinuous. Khanna and Johnson indicate that continuous passing was a complete separation from their black heritage. These individuals would disassociate themselves from their black community and past and would reinvent themselves in order to escape any stigma associated with being black. Discontinuous passing was perhaps more commonly used. Discontinuous involved “trips across the color line for practicality, amusement, and/or revenge” (382).
Through interviews with 40 biracial adults using convenience sampling, Khanna and Johnson were able to identify strategies and purposes of passing during 2005 and 2006. They concluded that individuals use a variety of identity work in order to conceal or highlight their identity. They identified five strategies commonly used with their participants: verbal identification/disidentification, selective disclosure, manipulation of phenotype, highlighting/downplaying cultural symbols, and selective association.
The first strategy, verbal identification/disidentification, involves the verbal claim of being associated or not being associated with a specific race (white or black) by claiming “I am this” or “I am not that.” The second is selective disclosure, which Khanna and Johnson describes as, “selectively revealing and/or concealing particular racial identities to others.” This disclosure can be done during face-to-face social interactions or through filling out race related questions found typically in applications.
The third and fourth strategies are associated more with physical appearance related to phenotypes. Race is very much identified by appearance. Khanna and Johnson point out that due to skin and hair variations, passing for black is more commonly accessible than passing for white, “Most respondents cannot alter their phenotypes in ways to present themselves as white, but they often describe modifying their phenotypes to pass as black or to accent their black ancestry” (387). Highlighting and downplaying certain aspects of the whiteness and blackness is used in managing their identity. This can be done through things socially associated to race such as clothing and language. The variations in language, slang, are used as identifiers of social class and race. Changing language in order to pass for a certain race may be difficult for individuals raised in a predominately white or black community.
Khanna and Johnson identify the fifth strategy as selective association. In selective association, individuals pursue groups and organizations related to the racial group they intend to be connected to. By associating with a certain race group, they more easily become assimilated into that race. Khanna and Johnson point out that, “social class and social networks influence the accessibility and effectiveness of certain identity strategies” (389).
When looking for motivations to pass as black, Khanna and Johnson were able to identify three main reasons for doing so: to fit in with black peers, to avoid a (white) stigmatized identity, and/or for some perceived advantage or benefit. Due to phenotypes, it can be difficult to be accepted into one certain race category, black or white. While trying to be accepted by peers, some black-white biracial individuals find it easier to be accepted into the black community than into the white community.
Through their interviews, Khanna and Johnson found that some of the individuals associated themselves more with the black community because of the racial stigma related to the white community. They concluded, “They stigmatized whiteness by equating it with oppression, prejudice, and discrimination” (392). During the Jim Crow era, passing as white had many advantages such as education, employment, and freedom. Now, the advantages of being associated with black can be beneficial when looking for a job and applying to colleges, scholarships, or financial aid.
In summary, Khanna and Johnson, through interviews and reviewing what other scholars have said about the subject of passing, were able to identify some strategies biracial people use in identify themselves. Since the passing of the Jim Crow era, Khanna and Johnson found that people still perform passing today. Though their reasons and strategies may vary in some degree, the final reason for motivation in identifying oneself with a certain race group is for acceptance.
by Lorene Russell
Racial identity cannot be easily determined especially when there isn’t a clear and concise definition of race. “The color line” is a division between black and white, but it isn’t nearly as precise as black and white. Nikki Khanna and Cathryn Johnson examine how biracial Americans identify themselves to others in their article, “Passing as Black: Racial Identity Work among Biracial Americans.”
By exploring interview data of black-white biracial adults, Khanna and Johnson examine the strategies used, the effectiveness, and the reasons supporting how adults hide, shield, and/or accent their racial ancestry during the Jim Crow era and now. Khanna and Johnson quote stories given by their interviewers with regard to the reasons for passing as black.
Khanna and Johnson explain that until recently, there were little to no racial options for individuals with any black ancestry. The one-drop rule segregated multiracial people as monoracial blacks. Passing as white gave biracial individuals the ability to avoid the racially restrictive one-drop rule during the Jim Crow era. The general definition of racial passing is, “a person of one race identifies and present himself or herself as another (usually white)” (380).
During the Jim Crow era, blacks had very few rights and privileges, which made passing an excellent option, when possible. The question now is if it is necessary, with the increased opportunities available to blacks, to continue passing and if so, why. In identifying strategies for passing the color-line, Khanna and Johnson look at additional ways for dealing with identity.
First, they examine racial passing during the Jim Crow era. It is difficult to estimate the number of people who passed for white, but had black ancestry. For some, passing was continuous, for others it was discontinuous. Khanna and Johnson indicate that continuous passing was a complete separation from their black heritage. These individuals would disassociate themselves from their black community and past and would reinvent themselves in order to escape any stigma associated with being black. Discontinuous passing was perhaps more commonly used. Discontinuous involved “trips across the color line for practicality, amusement, and/or revenge” (382).
Through interviews with 40 biracial adults using convenience sampling, Khanna and Johnson were able to identify strategies and purposes of passing during 2005 and 2006. They concluded that individuals use a variety of identity work in order to conceal or highlight their identity. They identified five strategies commonly used with their participants: verbal identification/disidentification, selective disclosure, manipulation of phenotype, highlighting/downplaying cultural symbols, and selective association.
The first strategy, verbal identification/disidentification, involves the verbal claim of being associated or not being associated with a specific race (white or black) by claiming “I am this” or “I am not that.” The second is selective disclosure, which Khanna and Johnson describes as, “selectively revealing and/or concealing particular racial identities to others.” This disclosure can be done during face-to-face social interactions or through filling out race related questions found typically in applications.
The third and fourth strategies are associated more with physical appearance related to phenotypes. Race is very much identified by appearance. Khanna and Johnson point out that due to skin and hair variations, passing for black is more commonly accessible than passing for white, “Most respondents cannot alter their phenotypes in ways to present themselves as white, but they often describe modifying their phenotypes to pass as black or to accent their black ancestry” (387). Highlighting and downplaying certain aspects of the whiteness and blackness is used in managing their identity. This can be done through things socially associated to race such as clothing and language. The variations in language, slang, are used as identifiers of social class and race. Changing language in order to pass for a certain race may be difficult for individuals raised in a predominately white or black community.
Khanna and Johnson identify the fifth strategy as selective association. In selective association, individuals pursue groups and organizations related to the racial group they intend to be connected to. By associating with a certain race group, they more easily become assimilated into that race. Khanna and Johnson point out that, “social class and social networks influence the accessibility and effectiveness of certain identity strategies” (389).
When looking for motivations to pass as black, Khanna and Johnson were able to identify three main reasons for doing so: to fit in with black peers, to avoid a (white) stigmatized identity, and/or for some perceived advantage or benefit. Due to phenotypes, it can be difficult to be accepted into one certain race category, black or white. While trying to be accepted by peers, some black-white biracial individuals find it easier to be accepted into the black community than into the white community.
Through their interviews, Khanna and Johnson found that some of the individuals associated themselves more with the black community because of the racial stigma related to the white community. They concluded, “They stigmatized whiteness by equating it with oppression, prejudice, and discrimination” (392). During the Jim Crow era, passing as white had many advantages such as education, employment, and freedom. Now, the advantages of being associated with black can be beneficial when looking for a job and applying to colleges, scholarships, or financial aid.
In summary, Khanna and Johnson, through interviews and reviewing what other scholars have said about the subject of passing, were able to identify some strategies biracial people use in identify themselves. Since the passing of the Jim Crow era, Khanna and Johnson found that people still perform passing today. Though their reasons and strategies may vary in some degree, the final reason for motivation in identifying oneself with a certain race group is for acceptance.